London
Correspondence: Jack
the Ripper & the Irish Press - reviewed by Adrian Morris
At the
very beginning of Alan Sharp’s book, (pg11), he makes
abundantly clear that; “Each writer has told the story his own way;
some have told it well, others poorly”. Isn’t that the truth!
Really, Sharp is readying us for the notion that his is not a
conventional telling of the Jack the Ripper saga, he leaves that to
others and names Sugden’s Complete History as one of the best.
Alan Sharp instead looks at the Whitechapel murders from the point of
view of the Irish population in 1888 - via her newspapers. Of course,
Sharp also advises that his book tries to be as objective as possible,
after all, this is the Irish question.
In
1888, in the wake of the destruction of the 1886 Home Rule Bill by the
British parliament, there was no more a vexed question than Irish Home
Rule. There was also no more a vexed newspaper frenzy than the
Whitechapel murders. Alan Sharp’s book chronicles the seismic
collision of these two worlds. For a time, Sharp proves, the
Whitechapel murders were as relevant in the fields of Kerry as Home
Rule would be in the streets of Westminster. The Irish Party -
led by the brilliant Charles Stewart Parnell, had taken a tumble by
1888. The failure of the 1886 Home Rule Bill, (the Bill that should
have been), the turmoil caused by the repressive actions of the
absentee landlords in using every trick in the book to evict Irish
tenant farmers - and then replace them with Ulster Protestant farmers
at more favourable rates, things did not look too good for the Irish
Nationalists. Also, one must remember, the indigenous response to this
was the Land League’s Plan of Campaign. The Plan of Campaign
was to cause immense disruption to the British authorities in
Ireland as its advocates resorted to boycotts and other forms of
agrarian sedition. Though not supported by the moderate Irish
Nationalist elites, including Parnell, it just served to show the
internecine fractures in the Irish political movement. A fracturing
the Fenians would try to exploit! A fracturing, in part, caused, and
made more apparent by Arthur Balfour, Chief Secretary for Ireland.
Balfour, or ‘Bloody’ Balfour as he became known by the Irish, was the
bête noire of every Irish Nationalist, for it was he, we learn, who
passed the infamous 1887 Criminal Amendment Act that allowed total
power of arrest of anybody in Ireland who the authorities thought
suspicious. Obviously, it wasn’t long before the ramifications of this
Act became apparent. Soon Irish M.P.s deemed unsavoury were arrest and
imprisoned indefinitely - William O’Brien was one of these. The Act
was so sweeping and punitive that an Irish M.P. was even arrested
whilst in the chamber of the Commons! The arrest of O’Brien, and
others would eventually lead to the clamour and agitation by radicals
within Britain itself, agitation that would be the genesis of the
march on Westminster in 1887 - that caused the violence of Bloody
Sunday in Trafalgar Square.
One
great area that Sharp’s book is really able to explore with a great
deal of skill, for it is a complex affair, is the intense over-lapping
rivalries that took place within the police and governmental offices
based around the Irish Question and the hunt for the Fenian agitators.
We hear how Monro’s Secret Bureau office came under intense pressure
from the radical, and not so radical Irish press. The Irish
Nationalist movement up to 1888 had not being doing well. The Secret
Bureau had been making inroads into Fenian activities, the
Parnellism and Crime articles in the Times newspaper -
although forgeries, had caused tremendous pressure on Parnell. The
Whitechapel murders, or at least the sensation that they had fostered,
seemed like manna from heaven to the radicals and Nationalists. Soon,
Sharp’s book shows, the press had a field day prodding and ridiculing
the police’s perceived inability to catch the killer. It was a target
too good to miss. The vitriol oozing forth from United Ireland
or The Nation is as caustic as it is bracing. The Unionist
papers, such as The Dublin Evening News would often criticise
the investigation but castigate the Nationalist/Republican newspapers.
All the time Sharp would point to the increased use of the telegraph
system in enabling the stories in London being told on the streets of
the Emerald Isle within a few short hours. So much so that after the
‘Double Event’ murders the tension and shock was felt as much in
Dublin as it was in London.
As the
book progresses to the final canonical murder of Mary Kelly, Sharp
notices how the ardour of both Unionist and Nationalist journalists
towards the Whitechapel murders, both as a story and a platform to
attack, seemed to cool somewhat. Stories in the Irish press seem to be
more inward looking and East End based. Maybe this was as a result of
over-exposure and the growing interest of the Parnell Commissions.
Sharp’s
book;
London Correspondence:
Jack the Ripper
is an
excellent work. It does rely on narrative lifted from the Irish
newspapers at the time, and this can disrupt the narrative somewhat,
but there is just no other way of doing it, and Sharp does it well.
This is a vital part of the political history of the late 19th
century, as much as the Whitechapel murders were a vital part of the
social history of the late 19th century. Sharp has tapped into this
most vital of areas and made it his own. This is one of the top ten
books ever written on the Whitechapel murders. Don’t buy the other
rubbish released recently and that infest the shelves of your local
high street store - buy this one. Highly recommended. |